Numerous unresolved issues continue to fuel tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan. These neighbouring countries, both marked by violence, share many characteristics, including Islam, yet have long been engaged in bitter confrontation.
By Emilio Asti
Unfortunately, numerous conflicts are still taking place across the world, several of which no longer attract the attention of international public opinion. The spotlight is currently focused on Iran and Palestine, not forgetting Ukraine, as well as the Strait of Hormuz, an area of particular concern to the West, especially for economic and strategic reasons.
Some of these conflicts could be described as low-intensity conflicts. A typical example is the confrontation between Afghanistan and Pakistan, where periods of intense tension, repeatedly followed by military attacks, have alternated with moments of truce.
The confrontation between these two countries has a long and complex history that cannot be understood solely in geopolitical terms.
Recent Pakistani attacks on areas of Afghanistan have reportedly caused numerous casualties and considerable material damage, according to Afghan sources.
Last March, a Pakistani air raid allegedly killed approximately 400 Afghans. According to Afghan authorities, further military operations by Pakistan took place in June.
Since then, both countries had observed a kind of moratorium, but tensions were far from resolved, with frequent exchanges of accusations and clashes along the border. Another Pakistani attack took place in September.
The Pakistani government maintains that these operations targeted bases belonging to militants of the Islamist fundamentalist movement Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), considered to be affiliated with Al-Qaeda and held responsible for terrorist attacks on Pakistani territory.
Pakistan accuses Afghanistan of providing these militants with refuge and assistance.
Afghanistan has denied these allegations and regards the Pakistani attacks as an attempt to destabilize the Taliban regime.
Overall, the circumstances remain unclear, and reaching an impartial assessment appears difficult.
Fear and mistrust between the two countries are often linked more to emotional reactions than to rational considerations.
In Pakistan, Afghans are frequently portrayed as fierce and uneducated people.
It should be remembered that large numbers of Afghan refugees have been living in Pakistan for many years, and many have faced serious discrimination by the authorities.
On the Afghan side, this has contributed to an extremely negative view of Pakistan, which is regarded as a corrupt and hostile country, subservient to the West.
This perception is also rooted in Islamabad's decision to support the Western coalition that attacked Afghanistan following the September 11 terrorist attacks.
Before asking which side is right, however, we need to consider the issue from a broader perspective.
In this context, the conflicting interests of Pakistan and Afghanistan—two countries with very different political and social systems—play an important role.
Religion, politics, ethnic and sectarian interests form a complex web.
Pakistan feels that its territorial integrity is under threat, particularly in the regions of Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where groups seeking to destabilize parts of the country are active.
Afghanistan, especially since the Taliban returned to power, has continued to represent a source of serious instability for Pakistan.
It should also be remembered that both Afghanistan and Pakistan share borders with Iran, which is currently under attack, creating the risk of a wider conflict.
The underlying problem concerns the Durand Line, the border between the two countries established in 1893 by the British official Henry Mortimer Durand.
This line marked the boundary between British India and Afghanistan, but Afghanistan has never recognized it.
The border was drawn without taking ethnic and historical factors into account. It runs through difficult mountainous terrain and, over the years, has been crossed in both directions by refugees, traffickers and militants belonging to various armed groups.
Even the British colonial administration was unable to exercise full control over the area, which was inhabited by tribes that were often rivals.
Following the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, the region then known as the North-West Frontier Province, now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, became part of the new state.
Pashtun nationalism did not accept the legitimacy of this border and supported the idea of Pashtunistan.
The Pashtuns, the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan and present on both sides of the Durand Line, follow a particular code of honour known as Pashtunwali and have maintained similar traditions on both sides of the frontier.
Afghanistan has continued to support Pashtun claims on historical and ethnic grounds, while Pakistan has never accepted any reconsideration of the border, which would have highly destabilizing consequences.
Neither Pakistan nor Afghanistan has succeeded in fully establishing state authority in this area, where Islamic fundamentalism has spread considerably.
Repeated clashes have occurred with Pakistani troops over territorial control.
Following September 11, Western military intervention once again brought attention to this region, where resistance against foreign troops had intensified.
Nevertheless, despite the serious causes of disagreement, the two countries have also experienced periods of cooperation.
In 1965, Afghanistan and Pakistan signed the Afghan Transit Trade Agreement, which facilitated the movement of Afghan goods through Pakistani territory.
The agreement was subsequently replaced by a new trade treaty signed in 2010.
Landlocked and lacking an efficient road network connecting it to neighbouring countries, Afghanistan depended on Pakistan for a significant part of its foreign trade, particularly through the port of Karachi.
During the Soviet occupation, which began at the end of 1979, Pakistan played a significant role in Afghanistan's struggle for liberation.
The Durand Line became a kind of ideological frontier between communism and the Western world.
For a generation of Afghans, Pakistan was the safest and most accessible place in which to seek refuge.
The Afghan resistance was organized mainly in Peshawar, a Pakistani city not far from the border.
Later, the emergence of the Taliban movement—many of whose members had studied in Pakistan's religious schools—and its seizure of power in Kabul were welcomed by Islamabad, which hoped to rely on a government favourably disposed towards Pakistan.
During the first Taliban regime, Pakistan enjoyed Afghanistan's support in its confrontation with India over Kashmir.
Islamabad also regarded Afghanistan as a territory that could provide strategic depth in the event of an open conflict with India.
It therefore sought to turn Afghanistan into a kind of buffer state, interfering repeatedly in its internal affairs.
Nevertheless, longstanding tensions resurfaced, and frequent skirmishes occurred between the troops of the two countries.
At many points along the Durand Line, the precise course of the border continued to be disputed.
Numerous issues remain unresolved today.
Foremost among them is the large presence of Afghan migrants in Pakistan, where they are often unwelcome and frequently mistreated.
The use of water resources is another source of tension.
Although both countries are members of SAARC, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, which promotes cooperation and development among South Asian countries, Afghanistan and Pakistan have more interests in common than their disagreements might suggest.
China's growing influence in South Asia should not be underestimated.
Beijing seeks to maintain good relations with both countries, clearly aiming to gain economic and political advantages.
India, for its part, has long been in sharp conflict with Pakistan and cautiously supports Afghanistan.
Afghanistan's decision to maintain privileged relations with New Delhi contributes to further tensions with Islamabad.
The West, in general, appears to show little interest in the issue, while maintaining deep mistrust of the Taliban regime and, at the same time, remaining wary of Pakistan, which is often accused of playing a double game.
This conflictual situation appears likely to continue for a long time.
Tensions persist, accompanied by constant exchanges of accusations that frequently lead to border clashes.
Yet an open confrontation does not seem to be in either country's interest.
Afghanistan and Pakistan could instead become an example of good neighbourly relations and cooperation, since both are of fundamental importance to regional stability.
In an international situation that is constantly changing, the future of these two countries also appears strongly influenced by the choices of the major powers.
Particular significance should be attached to initiatives undertaken by groups of Muslims associated with Sufism.
They are convinced that the disputes still dividing the two countries cannot be resolved through armed force and that peaceful coexistence is possible.
To this end, they are seeking to create opportunities for dialogue between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
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